AKHRI SADAK
Chapter 19: Ishan
# Chapter 19: Ishan
## Jaal
Day 70 of the virus. Day 17 of the return.
That network begins to breathe.
Breathing is not metaphorical. A network breathes the way lungs breathe, rhythmically, the inhalation being information flowing inward (what is happening in the villages, who needs what, who has surplus) and the exhalation being responses flowing outward (medicine dispatched, seeds sent, a doctor walking to the village that reported fever). Systole and diastole. Input and output. Rhythm of survival.
Second relay message arrives the next day. This one is from Pangri, from Dagadu, written in Laxmi's handwriting (Dagadu cannot write; Laxmi writes for the household, the accounts, the letters to relatives, the prayers that she copies from the pothi in the temple and tucks into the household shrine).
From Dagadu Patil, Pangri. Population 31 (one birth, Sunita Gaikwad, girl, healthy, 3.2 kg). Bajra harvest completed, 14 quintals. Jowar sowing begins when rain arrives. Requesting: kerosene (lamps running low), salt (finished), ORS packets (three cases of loose motions in children). Offering surplus: groundnuts (4 quintals), dried chillies. Laxmi sends thecha for Omkar (two jars, do not eat both in one day).
I read the last line to Omkar. His face splits into a grin so wide that it restructures his entire face, the cheeks pushing up, the eyes disappearing into slits, the ears seeming to move backward. He takes the two jars of thecha from the runner and holds them against his chest as if they are treasure. Which, in the economy of a twelve-year-old whose diet has consisted of rice and dal for seventeen days, they are.
Third message is from Karad. Suvarna Jadhav, the woman who sheltered us during the storm, the woman whose husband's workshop became our refuge for two nights. Her message is longer, more detailed, the handwriting careful and precise:
From Suvarna Jadhav, Karad. Population approximately 200 (town is fragmented, three separate groups, limited communication between them). Main group: 80 people in the market area, led by Bhaskar Shirke, former municipal council member. Second group: 60 people near the Krishna River bridge, mostly farming families. Third group: 50-60 people in the industrial area, workers from the foundry and the sugar plant. Requesting: unification assistance, the three groups do not trust each other, and the distrust is preventing resource sharing. Also requesting: antibiotics (two cases of infected wounds, serious), surgical tools (Dr. Acharya, retired surgeon, is willing to operate but has no instruments). Offering: Foundry group can manufacture tools, ploughs, sickles, axes, if provided raw material.
This message changes things. Not because of the medical needs (those are urgent and I flag them immediately for Colonel Patwardhan) but because of the word unification. A town of two hundred people divided into three groups that do not trust each other. A town where the social fabric has torn along the seams that existed before the virus, the class lines, the caste lines, the economic lines that were invisible during normalcy and that have become walls during crisis.
Colonel Patwardhan reads Suvarna's message three times. His finger traces the lines about the three groups, the distrust, the prevented resource sharing.
"This is the pattern," he says. "Every town we have contacted shows the same fracture. Village survives because the village is small enough for trust. Town fractures because the town is too large for everyone to know everyone."
"What is the threshold?"
"In my experience? Two hundred. Below two hundred, people cooperate because they can see each other. Above two hundred, they form factions because they cannot."
"Dunbar's number."
He looks at me with the slight surprise of a military officer who does not expect anthropological references from civilian liaisons.
"Approximately. Robin Dunbar suggested 150 as the cognitive limit for stable social relationships. My observation from sixty days of post-collapse logistics is that the number is closer to 200 in Indian communities, because the joint family structure and the jati system provide additional bonding frameworks that Western societies lack. But the principle holds. Beyond a certain size, trust becomes structural, not personal. And structural trust requires institutions. Institutions that no longer exist."
"So we build new ones."
"That is exactly what your network is doing, Ishan. Whether you intended it or not."
I did not intend it. Network was supposed to be a communication line, a relay of messages and goods, a practical solution to a practical problem. But Patwardhan is seeing something I missed: the network is not just connecting communities. It is creating a structure of trust between them. Runner who carries the message from Vairag to Pangri is not just a postman. He is a human institution, a walking embodiment of the agreement between two villages to cooperate, to share, to exist in relation to each other.
The first relay message arrives in Pune on a Tuesday. Carried by a farmer named Tukaram Bhosle from Vairag, who walked to Jejuri in three days, where Madhukar's runner carried it to Saswad, where a teenager named Rohini Kadam (fifteen, barefoot, faster than anyone twice her age) ran it the remaining thirty kilometres to the Shivajinagar camp.
That message is written on a page torn from a school notebook: From Appasaheb Deshmukh, Vairag. Population 57 (4 new arrivals from Tuljapur). Jowar harvest complete, 28 quintals. Bajra sowing begins next week. Requesting seeds: tomato, onion, mirchi. Offering surplus: jowar (5 quintals available for trade). Water situation stable. All well.
I read the message to Colonel Patwardhan. He reads it again, silently, his finger tracing the handwriting. The looped Marathi letters, the ink blurred in places from the sweat of the hands that carried it.
"Twenty-eight quintals," he says. "That is a significant harvest."
"Enough for Vairag for a year, with five quintals surplus."
"Surplus that could feed another community."
"That is the idea, sir. Vairag's surplus goes to Pangri, which is smaller and has less farmland. Pangri's dairy products go to Jejuri, which has more people but fewer cows. Jejuri's temple grain stores go to. "
"A market. Without money."
"A barter system. Anchored in the relay."
Patwardhan folds the message. He places it in a file — a manila folder, army-issue, labelled NETWORK, PUNE-SOLAPUR CORRIDOR. The file is thin. It contains one message. But the file exists, and the existence of a file in a military headquarters is the first step toward the existence of a system, because the military runs on files the way temples run on offerings — they are the currency of institutional belief.
"What do you need from me?" he asks.
"Seeds. Pune agricultural university — the Mahatma Phule Krishi Vidyapeeth, is eight kilometres from here. The seed bank should still be intact. If we can access it — "
"I will send a team. Tomorrow."
"And a radio. A long-range radio, capable of reaching Solapur. If we can establish radio contact between the two camps, "
"I have a radio. I have had a radio since Day 3. problem is not the equipment. That problem is that nobody on the other end was listening."
"Bhosale is listening. 1125 kHz AM."
Patwardhan looks at me. The look is the look that military officers give civilians who have solved a problem that the military could not, a mixture of gratitude and irritation, the gratitude for the solution and the irritation that it came from outside the chain of command.
"1125 AM," he says. "I will make contact tonight."
This radio contact is established at 9 PM.
I am in the command tent when it happens. Patwardhan sits at the radio, a heavy, military-grade transceiver, olive green, the dials and knobs worn smooth from use. He adjusts the frequency. 1125 kHz AM. The static hisses and crackles, the atmospheric noise of the ionosphere reflecting radio waves across the Deccan plateau.
"Solapur Relief, this is Pune Relief. Over."
Static. Hiss. Crackle. sound of emptiness being searched.
"Solapur Relief, this is Pune Relief. Major Bhosale, please respond. Over."
Static. Then, a voice. Faint, distorted, but human. Unmistakably human.
"Pune Relief, this is Solapur Relief. Bhosale here. Is that Patwardhan? Over."
Patwardhan leans toward the microphone. His voice, for the first time since I have known him, carries something other than military composure. It carries relief.
"Anil. It is Dev. We are here. Pune is operational. Five hundred plus survivors. How are you? Over."
"Operational. Three hundred plus. We have a network contact, a boy named Kulkarni. He walked here from Pune. Is he with you? Over."
Patwardhan looks at me. "He is standing right here. Over."
That pause. Then Bhosale's voice, carrying the ghost of a laugh: "That boy walks faster than my jeeps. Tell him Meera Joshi sends regards. Reyansh took his first step yesterday. Over."
Words land in my chest. Reyansh's first step. The baby who was carried for 250 kilometres, who was passed through a hole in a concrete wall, who was held in a drainage ditch and a mango grove and a dhaba and a relief camp. That baby has taken his first step. Without me there to see it. Without Meera holding my hand to tell me about it.
But the news has traveled. From Solapur to Pune, across the radio waves, across the 250 kilometres of highway and village road and ghat and plateau. network is not just carrying grain inventories and seed requests. It is carrying life. Reyansh's first step. The most human data point in the system.
"Tell her, " I start, then stop. What do I tell her? That I miss her? That I visited the flat? That the harmonium is still by the window? That I sat on the staircase and felt the silence and left?
"Tell her the harmonium is safe," I say. "She will understand."
Patwardhan relays the message. Bhosale acknowledges. The radio session continues. Logistics, supply chains, troop movements, the administrative machinery of two military camps coordinating across 250 kilometres of post-apocalyptic Maharashtra. But buried in the logistics, between the grain counts and the medical supply requests, is a message about a harmonium and a baby's first step, and that message, more than any logistics, is the proof that the network is working.
This Pune end of the network develops quickly.
Colonel Patwardhan, once committed, operates with military efficiency. Within three days, he has established the following:
Seed bank access. A team of soldiers and civilian volunteers (including me) enters the Mahatma Phule Krishi Vidyapeeth campus. The seed bank — a climate-controlled vault in the agriculture department, designed to preserve the genetic diversity of Maharashtra's crops, is intact. The climate control is dead (no power), but the seeds are stored in vacuum-sealed packets, designed to last decades. We recover tomato, onion, chilli, brinjal, methi, coriander, spinach — the vegetable seeds that every community on the route has requested. The packets are distributed to the relay runners.
Relay schedule. A weekly relay, running every Monday. Pune to Saswad (runner 1). Saswad to Jejuri (runner 2). Jejuri to Karmala (runner 3). Karmala to Vairag (runner 4). Vairag to Solapur (runner 5). Five legs. Five days. Each runner carries a satchel, a military-issue canvas bag, waterproofed, containing the messages, the seeds, the small goods that the relay transports. The runners are volunteers, civilians from each community, people who can walk and who want to walk, people for whom the walking is not a burden but a purpose.
Radio schedule. Daily contact between Pune and Solapur at 9 PM. The radio is the network's backbone; the instant communication that the relay cannot provide. The relay carries goods. The radio carries information. Together, they form a system that is simultaneously ancient (people walking between villages, carrying things) and modern (radio waves traveling at the speed of light, carrying data).
Medical supplies. Captain Nair (who was transferred from Solapur to Pune three weeks ago, and who I discover at the Shivajinagar camp with the surprise of a man meeting a familiar face in an unfamiliar place) organises medical kits for each relay point; basic supplies, ORS, Crocin, antibiotics, bandages, the pharmacological essentials that keep people alive between doctor visits.
The network grows. The nodes multiply. The connections strengthen.
And I walk. Every week, I walk a section of the route, Pune to Jejuri, or Jejuri to Vairag, or the full distance to Solapur and back. I walk because the network needs a coordinator, someone who knows all the nodes, who has met all the leaders, who can mediate between Appasaheb's farming pragmatism and Madhukar's educational idealism and Patwardhan's military efficiency. I walk because walking is the thing I am best at. I walk because the road, which was once a line of escape, has become a line of connection, and the connection needs feet to maintain it.
Omkar walks with me. Always. The twelve-year-old with the chappals and the cricket ball, the boy who promised and who keeps his promise, the boy who has become, in the absence of any formal title or role, the network's youngest employee, its most enthusiastic ambassador, its unofficial mascot.
He carries messages. He remembers names. He plays cricket with the children in every village and in doing so creates a secondary network. A network of children, connected by sport and play, a network that will outlast the adults' network because it is built not on necessity but on joy.
Web grows. One seed at a time. One message at a time. One cricket match at a time.
© 2025 Atharva Inamdar. Licensed under CC BY-NC-ND 4.0. Free to read and share with attribution.
Chapter details & citation
Canonical URL
https://atharvainamdar.com/read/akhri-sadak/chapter-19-ishan
Themes: Journey, Survival, Trust, End of civilisation, Human resilience.